Financial History 134 (Summer 2020) | Page 25

Cornell Capa Clark Foreman, first head of the Office of the Special Adviser on the Economic Status of Negroes, pictured in 1946 at a Citizen’s Political Action Committee meeting. In 1934, Black Cabinet founder Robert C. Weaver would succeed Clark Foreman and take over leadership of the Office of the Special Adviser on the Economic Status of Negroes. Weaver became the first Black American to serve in a White House Cabinet after President Lyndon Johnson appointed him the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development in 1966. Bettmann telegrammed Ickes, protesting that there were numerous African Americans, with equal or superior educational credentials, better suited for the job. The Chicago Defender observed, “It was certainly bad enough to select any white man for this particular post, but to select one from Georgia was certainly adding insult to injury.” After Foreman’s selection was announced, the NAACP’s Roy Wilkins confided to the Associated Negro Press’s wire-service editor Claude Barnett that the Rosenwald Fund had intentionally made an end run around the NAACP. In his opinion, the special adviser would accomplish nothing; the naïve Foreman had been put in to block, rather than to address, Black grievances. Wilkins declared that the NAACP would call for the appointment to be “bitterly fought by all Negro organizations, especially the Negro press, not on the grounds that Foreman is personally objectionable, but that no white man can speak for Negroes in this time of stress.” This was the message the NAACP’s lead Washington attorney, Charles H. Houston, carried directly to Ickes. Face-to-face with Ickes, he argued that an African American appointee was far more qualified to be a special adviser on issues critical to Black Americans. Ickes emphatically disagreed. The “time” was “not ripe” for a Black appointment, he sputtered. A white man had access to people and places, both on Capitol Hill and in the South, that were off-limits to Blacks. Houston next confronted Foreman, who, after some waffling, admitted that he too believed there were more capable African Americans who could have filled the special adviser’s job. In an attempt to demonstrate his commitment to Black inclusion, Foreman pledged to fill out his staff with Black assistants and secretaries. He would carry his fight against discrimination beyond the Interior Department and battle it in agencies throughout the federal government. The Black community had good reason to be skeptical of Foreman. While he was an eager champion of Black causes and had worked on racial affairs for both the Rosenwald Foundation and Alexander’s Commission on Interracial Cooperation, Foreman’s Georgian roots ran deep and were tied to the slaveholding past. His grandfather had fought for the Confederacy and had been a leader among white southern Democrats. Foreman was raised in the traditions of the white South, where racial divisions were a given and African Americans were presumed naturally to occupy an inferior position in society. But by 1933, the 31-year-old Foreman had rejected white Southern ideologies and had amassed an impressive résumé. He had studied at Harvard, where he met W.E.B. Du Bois. After finishing a doctoral dissertation on Black education at Columbia University, he worked for Will Alexander on race relations. Despite these accomplishments, Foreman had not been the top choice of either Alexander or Embree for the special adviser post. He possessed an abundance of reckless youthful energy and zeal that some, both Black and white, found insufferably brash and overbearing. When Foreman landed in the Department of the Interior in August 1933, he found plenty of problems. He confirmed that the studies Weaver and Davis had produced were true: The National Recovery Administration’s jobs programs were either turning African Americans away www.MoAF.org | Summer 2020 | FINANCIAL HISTORY 23