Financial History Issue 125 (Spring 2018) | Page 29
Map showing the religious diversity of New York City in 1729, which includes houses
of worship for Lutherans, Baptists, Quakers, Presbyterians and Jews, among others.
in 1837. People increasingly looked to reli-
gion for relief, to restore order, to generate
prosperity and to help construct stabiliz-
ing visions of national identity.
After the War of 1812, the pace of immi-
gration from Europe accelerated dramati-
cally. Individuals accustomed to homoge-
neous religious and ethnic environments
found themselves in a highly mobile, radi-
cally heterogeneous, rapidly expanding
world. Innovations in communication
and transportation often threw people
together without a head or a common
purpose, disrupting earlier forms of social
organization. The faster and farther news
traveled, the more anxious people became.
Religious activists worked to stretch
canopies of interpersonal sympathy
and belief in divine providence over the
nation, as Americans embraced religion to
construct regional and national identities
to meet territorial expansion, population
growth and new industries. In New York
City, where many of the new immigrants
first arrived, evangelicals built new reli-
gious institutions to serve the city’s dis-
located, often desperately poor residents.
Newly-incorporated churches contributed
as much to the island’s social organization
as did factories and shipping companies,
with the founding of religious organiza-
tions keeping pace with population growth
between 1812 and 1840, and even laying
groundwork for the establishment of new
neighborhoods. New York also emerged
as the center of publishing, not only for
evangelical churches and their mission-
ary organizations, but also for the reli-
giously tinged sentimental literature that
flowed through the country in increasing
abundance, encouraging sympathy as an
expression of Christian humanism.
The bonds of sympathy could gloss over
hard realities. Mills and factories now
produced shoes and textiles for wider dis-
tribution, and industry no longer served
local communities in ways it once had.
People expected commerce to serve the
common good, but the meaning of “com-
mon good” shifted as sheer productivity
became a legitimating standard in the
1810s and 1820s. Arguing that economic
growth served progress and the public
interest, textile mills and other industries
claimed rights to water and land that
disadvantaged local residents and small
businesses. Backed up by belief in the nat-
ural “harmony of interests” that freedom
from oppressive regulation would yield,
factories claimed exemptions from rules
against negligence and nuisance.
Most new states were too poor to fund
big public works, so their legislatures char-
tered corporations to build and operate
roads, canals and bridges to transport
produce, merchandise and people. Pent-
up demand for corporate charters also
contributed to commercial growth. Brit-
ain had prohibited colonial governments
from issuing charters, leaving American
businessmen to rely on partnerships that
did little to shield investors from liabil-
ity, or from dissolution when one of the
partners withdrew. Well aware of the legal
advantages of incorporation, and also of
the superior development of corporate
roads, canals and bridges in England,
enterprising Americans with capital to
invest were eager to establish corporate
entities of their own, including banks to
fund new industry and infrastructure.
Corporate business advanced most
aggressively in Philadelphia, where finan-
cial corporations became vehicles of
political influence. Before the American
Revolution, a network of wealthy mer-
chant families supported Philadelphia’s
strong civic institutions, including Penn-
sylvania Hospital, the College of Philadel-
phia, the American Philosophical Soci-
ety and America’s first public lending
library. Determined to hold on to politi-
cal influence after independence, these
civic leaders faced the challenge of a uni-
cameral state legislature more democratic
and less dependent on educated elites
than any other body of lawmakers in the
new republic. With their direct power
over government diminished, financiers
in Philadelphia joined friends in New
York to support Alexander Hamilton’s
national bank and to found the Bank of
Pennsylvania.
With the completion of the Erie Canal in
1825, New York leapt ahead of Philadelphia
to become the most powerful commercial
entrepôt in the nation. Funded by New
York State at the urging of New York City’s
wealthy merchants and bankers, the 360-
mile passageway from the Hudson River
to the Great Lakes brought meat, whiskey
and flour to New York City. The canal also
transported the wholesale goods arriving
at city docks, pouring into the city’s ware-
houses and famous auctions — everything
from stoneware and iron chains to window
blinds and black silk handkerchiefs. With
Robert Fulton’s steamboats moving goods
up the Hudson to the canal at Albany,
www.MoAF.org | Spring 2018 | FINANCIAL HISTORY 27