Financial History Issue 132 (Winter 2020) | Page 31
was equal to $50 per capita. The Populists
won four states and 8.5% of the vote in the
1892 election, but this would be the party’s
best showing. Their monetary ideas, how-
ever, were yet to crest.
The 16:1 valuation ratio of gold to sil-
ver was an integral part of the platform,
because a 16:1 ratio deliberately over-val-
ued silver. Silver was being mined in
large quantities in the 1870s and 1880s in
Nevada and Colorado, but even under
normal conditions the valuation ratio is
much greater than 16 to 1. (Today’s ratio
is roughly 80 to 1.) By over-valuing silver,
politicians sought to encourage its mon-
etary use, in the same way that greenbacks
displaced gold from use in the 1860s.
For farmers struggling to pay back loans
denominated in gold, silver was a metallic
version of the greenback.
The gold standard problem mentioned
earlier—its inability to keep prices from
falling occasionally—grew intractable in
the early 1890s. Gold mine output had
peaked in 1853 with the California gold
rush, and by the early 1890s it had declined
to only half the levels of the early 1850s.
The decline caused gold to increase in
value, lowering prices and making debt-
service difficult. By 1893, the United States
was in a recession, and as it deepened with
each passing month the nation’s leaders
struggled to find a solution.
The Populist Party’s bimetallism ideas
were given another look. Initially it was an
eclectic group comprised of Democratic
farmers and Republicans from silver min-
ing areas, but as the movement gained
adherents it coalesced under the Dem-
ocratic tent. Democrats controlled the
South and parts of the Midwest—agricul-
tural areas where some currency inflation
would be a welcome relief—and although
their eastern banking wing was influential
(its leading figure was President Gro-
ver Cleveland), their agrarian wing was
numerically larger.
In the wake of a run on US Treasury
gold reserves during the winter of 1894–
1895, these “silver men” convened small
state conventions and sent members to a
national conclave in Washington, DC, that
August. They called the event the “Bime-
tallic DNC,” and it was dedicated to these
monetary principles and not to any partic-
ular leader. With a Democrat in the White
House committed to gold-backed money,
it was clearly an attempt to wrest control
from the Cleveland wing of the party.
Graph of US gold mining output over the years 1840–2012.
When the Democrats convened in Chi-
cago in July 1896 and it became clear that
the silver men would control the party
platform (right down to the 16 to 1 ratio
that had been used by the Populist Party
four years before), they needed a presi-
dential candidate to champion their cause.
Speeches were delivered making the case
for bimetallism, but they were uninspir-
ing. Opponent William Russell, governor
of Massachusetts, warned the convention
that such “a new and radical policy” would
lead the party to the “darkness of defeat
and disaster” in the fall.
William Jennings Bryan—a two-term
congressman from Nebraska little known
outside the Midwest—responded with the
speech of a lifetime. He summarized the
economic approach of his opponents as
follows: “If you just legislate to make
the well-to-do prosperous, their prosper-
ity will leak through on those below.”
He warned his allies that, “If they [their
opponents] dare to come out and in the
open defend the gold standard as a good
thing, we shall fight to the uttermost.”
He concluded with powerful words still
remembered today: “You shall not crucify
mankind on a cross of gold.”
The crowd went wild. “I had never
dreamed that a mortal man could so grip
and fill with enthusiasm thousands of
men,” one delegate later wrote.
Some 2,500 miles northwest of the mad-
ding crowd in the Chicago Coliseum, Joe
Ladue ran a trading post in the Yukon
Territory where the 60 Mile River empties
into the Yukon River. He and his neighbors
lived solitary, hardscrabble lives largely
deaf to American political oratory. The
Yukon River flows east and north out of the
mountains that push up against the Pacific
Ocean and drains a vast taiga landscape
sandwiched between mountain ranges. The
area was rumored to contain gold in the
mountains and in the placer deposits down
below, but the pickings as of July 1896 had
been sparse. Ladue made it his business to
gather details of any gold finds in the area,
however, and pass such information on to
his customers to encourage trade in the
goods he had for sale.
Bryan was likely still basking in his
nomination and in that thunderous
applause when a visitor entered Ladue’s
trading post. Robert Henderson, an invet-
erate gold prospector, had stopped by
Ladue’s place two summers before, when
Ladue had recommended Henderson try
panning the Indian River, which flows
into the Yukon some 10 miles upstream
of Ladue’s place. Henderson had done so,
with little success. It was when Hender-
son went to the headwaters of the Indian
River and crossed over the divide to a
small creek that drains into the Klondike
River that he had better luck. Encouraged,
Henderson followed the Klondike down-
stream to the Yukon River that summer
of 1896 and back to Ladue’s place to buy
www.MoAF.org | Winter 2020 | FINANCIAL HISTORY 29